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27. https://factba.se/trump
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28. https://iz.ru/970206/2020-01-30/v-mid-rf-rasskazali-o-pomoshchi-venesuele-v-
podderzhanii-oboronosposobnosti
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32. https://studfile.net/preview/1635592/page:14/
33. https://studfile.net/preview/5914091/page:33/
34. https://studopedia.ru/8_53180_lingvisticheskie-i-nelingvisticheskie-problemi-
perevoda.html)
35. https://www.inc.com/john-boitnott/politicians-are-simplifying-their-language-
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36. https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/10208
Словари:
37. Longman dictionary of English idioms 1979
38.С.И. Ожегов, Толковый словарь Ожегова, Н.Ю. Шведова. 1949-1992.
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Приложение 1
Текста Р. Рейгана “Tear Down this Wall”
Chancellor Kohl, Governing Mayor Diepgen, ladies and gentlemen:
Twenty-four years ago, President John F. Kennedy visited Berlin, speaking
to the people of this city and the world at the City Hall. Well, since then two other
presidents have come, each in his turn, to Berlin. And today I, myself, make my
second visit to your city.
We come to Berlin, we American presidents, because it's our duty to speak,
in this place, of freedom. But I must confess, we're drawn here by other things as
well: by the feeling of history in this city, more than 500 years older than our own
nation; by the beauty of the Grunewald and the Tiergarten; most of all, by your
courage and determination. Perhaps the composer Paul Lincke understood
something about American presidents. You see, like so many presidents before me,
I come here today because wherever I go, whatever I do: Ich hab noch einen Koffer
in Berlin. [I still have a suitcase in Berlin.]
Our gathering today is being broadcast throughout Western Europe and
North America. I understand that it is being seen and heard as well in the East. To
those listening throughout Eastern Europe, a special word: Although I cannot be
with you, I address my remarks to you just as surely as to those standing here before
me. For I join you, as I join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this
unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin. [There is only one Berlin.
Behind me stands a wall that encircles the free sectors of this city, part of a
vast system of barriers that divides the entire continent of Europe. From the Baltic,
south, those barriers cut across Germany in a gash of barbed wire, concrete, dog
runs, and guard towers. Farther south, there may be no visible, no obvious wall. But
there remain armed guards and checkpoints all the same--still a restriction on the
right to travel, still an instrument to impose upon ordinary men and women the will
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of a totalitarian state. Yet it is here in Berlin where the wall emerges most clearly;
here, cutting across your city, where the news photo and the television screen have
imprinted this brutal division of a continent upon the mind of the world. Standing
before the Brandenburg Gate, every man is a German, separated from his fellow
men. Every man is a Berliner, forced to look upon a scar.
President von Weizsacker has said, "The German question is open as long
as the Brandenburg Gate is closed." Today I say: As long as the gate is closed, as
long as this scar of a wall is permitted to stand, it is not the German question alone
that remains open, but the question of freedom for all mankind. Yet I do not come
here to lament. For I find in Berlin a message of hope, even in the shadow of this
wall, a message of triumph.
In this season of spring in 1945, the people of Berlin emerged from their air-
raid shelters to find devastation. Thousands of miles away, the people of the United
States reached out to help. And in 1947 Secretary of State--as you've been told--
George Marshall announced the creation of what would become known as the
Marshall Plan. Speaking precisely 40 years ago this month, he said: "Our policy is
directed not against any country or doctrine, but against hunger, poverty,
desperation, and chaos."
In the Reichstag a few moments ago, I saw a display commemorating this
40th anniversary of the Marshall Plan. I was struck by the sign on a burnt-out, gutted
structure that was being rebuilt. I understand that Berliners of my own generation
can remember seeing signs like it dotted throughout the western sectors of the city.
The sign read simply: "The Marshall Plan is helping here to strengthen the free
world." A strong, free world in the West, that dream became real. Japan rose from
ruin to become an economic giant. Italy, France, Belgium--virtually every nation in
Western Europe saw political and economic rebirth; the European Community was
founded.
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In West Germany and here in Berlin, there took place an economic miracle,
the Wirtschaftswunder. Adenauer, Erhard, Reuter, and other leaders understood the
practical importance of liberty--that just as truth can flourish only when the
journalist is given freedom of speech, so prosperity can come about only when the
farmer and businessman enjoy economic freedom. The German leaders reduced
tariffs, expanded free trade, lowered taxes. From 1950 to 1960 alone, the standard
of living in West Germany and Berlin doubled.
Where four decades ago there was rubble, today in West Berlin there is the
greatest industrial output of any city in Germany--busy office blocks, fine homes
and apartments, proud avenues, and the spreading lawns of parkland. Where a city's
culture seemed to have been destroyed, today there are two great universities,
orchestras and an opera, countless theaters, and museums. Where there was want,
today there's abundance--food, clothing, automobiles--the wonderful goods of the
Ku'damm. From devastation, from utter ruin, you Berliners have, in freedom, rebuilt
a city that once again ranks as one of the greatest on earth. The Soviets may have
had other plans. But my friends, there were a few things the Soviets didn't count on-
-Berliner Herz, Berliner Humor, ja, und Berliner Schnauze. [Berliner heart, Berliner
humor, yes, and a Berliner Schnauze.]
In the 1950s, Khrushchev predicted: "We will bury you." But in the West
today, we see a free world that has achieved a level of prosperity and well-being
unprecedented in all human history. In the Communist world, we see failure,
technological backwardness, declining standards of health, even want of the most
basic kind--too little food. Even today, the Soviet Union still cannot feed itself.
After these four decades, then, there stands before the entire world one great and
inescapable conclusion: Freedom leads to prosperity. Freedom replaces the ancient
hatreds among the nations with comity and peace. Freedom is the victor.
And now the Soviets themselves may, in a limited way, be coming to
understand the importance of freedom. We hear much from Moscow about a new
policy of reform and openness. Some political prisoners have been released. Certain
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foreign news broadcasts are no longer being jammed. Some economic enterprises
have been permitted to operate with greater freedom from state control.
Are these the beginnings of profound changes in the Soviet state? Or are
they token gestures, intended to raise false hopes in the West, or to strengthen the
Soviet system without changing it? We welcome change and openness; for we
believe that freedom and security go together, that the advance of human liberty can
only strengthen the cause of world peace. There is one sign the Soviets can make
that would be unmistakable, that would advance dramatically the cause of freedom
and peace.
General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for
the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this
gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!
I understand the fear of war and the pain of division that afflict this
continent-- and I pledge to you my country's efforts to help overcome these burdens.
To be sure, we in the West must resist Soviet expansion. So we must maintain
defenses of unassailable strength. Yet we seek peace; so we must strive to reduce
arms on both sides.
Beginning 10 years ago, the Soviets challenged the Western alliance with a
grave new threat, hundreds of new and more deadly SS-20 nuclear missiles, capable
of striking every capital in Europe. The Western alliance responded by committing
itself to a counter-deployment unless the Soviets agreed to negotiate a better
solution; namely, the elimination of such weapons on both sides. For many months,
the Soviets refused to bargain in earnestness. As the alliance, in turn, prepared to
go forward with its counter-deployment, there were difficult days--days of protests
like those during my 1982 visit to this city--and the Soviets later walked away from
the table.
But through it all, the alliance held firm. And I invite those who protested
then-- I invite those who protest today--to mark this fact: Because we remained
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strong, the Soviets came back to the table. And because we remained strong, today
we have within reach the possibility, not merely of limiting the growth of arms, but
of eliminating, for the first time, an entire class of nuclear weapons from the face
of the earth.
As I speak, NATO ministers are meeting in Iceland to review the progress
of our proposals for eliminating these weapons. At the talks in Geneva, we have
also proposed deep cuts in strategic offensive weapons. And the Western allies have
likewise made far-reaching proposals to reduce the danger of conventional war and
to place a total ban on chemical weapons.
While we pursue these arms reductions, I pledge to you that we will
maintain the capacity to deter Soviet aggression at any level at which it might occur.
And in cooperation with many of our allies, the United States is pursuing the
Strategic Defense Initiative--research to base deterrence not on the threat of
offensive retaliation, but on defenses that truly defend; on systems, in short, that
will not target populations, but shield them. By these means we seek to increase the
safety of Europe and all the world. But we must remember a crucial fact: East and
West do not mistrust each other because we are armed; we are armed because we
mistrust each other. And our differences are not about weapons but about liberty.
When President Kennedy spoke at the City Hall those 24 years ago, freedom was
encircled, Berlin was under siege. And today, despite all the pressures upon this
city, Berlin stands secure in its liberty. And freedom itself is transforming the globe.
In the Philippines, in South and Central America, democracy has been given
a rebirth. Throughout the Pacific, free markets are working miracle after miracle of
economic growth. In the industrialized nations, a technological revolution is taking
place--a revolution marked by rapid, dramatic advances in computers and
telecommunications.
In Europe, only one nation and those it controls refuse to join the community
of freedom. Yet in this age of redoubled economic growth, of information and
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innovation, the Soviet Union faces a choice: It must make fundamental changes, or
it will become obsolete.
Today thus represents a moment of hope. We in the West stand ready to
cooperate with the East to promote true openness, to break down barriers that
separate people, to create a safe, freer world. And surely there is no better place than
Berlin, the meeting place of East and West, to make a start. Free people of Berlin:
Today, as in the past, the United States stands for the strict observance and full
implementation of all parts of the Four Power Agreement of 1971. Let us use this
occasion, the 750th anniversary of this city, to usher in a new era, to seek a still
fuller, richer life for the Berlin of the future. Together, let us maintain and develop
the ties between the Federal Republic and the Western sectors of Berlin, which is
permitted by the 1971 agreement.
And I invite Mr. Gorbachev: Let us work to bring the Eastern and Western
parts of the city closer together, so that all the inhabitants of all Berlin can enjoy the
benefits that come with life in one of the great cities of the world.
To open Berlin still further to all Europe, East and West, let us expand the
vital air access to this city, finding ways of making commercial air service to Berlin
more convenient, more comfortable, and more economical. We look to the day
when West Berlin can become one of the chief aviation hubs in all central Europe.
With our French and British partners, the United States is prepared to help
bring international meetings to Berlin. It would be only fitting for Berlin to serve as
the site of United Nations meetings, or world conferences on human rights and arms
control or other issues that call for international cooperation.
There is no better way to establish hope for the future than to enlighten
young minds, and we would be honored to sponsor summer youth exchanges,
cultural events, and other programs for young Berliners from the East. Our French
and British friends, I'm certain, will do the same. And it's my hope that an authority
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can be found in East Berlin to sponsor visits from young people of the Western
sectors.
One final proposal, one close to my heart: Sport represents a source of
enjoyment and ennoblement, and you may have noted that the Republic of Korea--
South Korea--has offered to permit certain events of the 1988 Olympics to take
place in the North. International sports competitions of all kinds could take place in
both parts of this city. And what better way to demonstrate to the world the openness
of this city than to offer in some future year to hold the Olympic games here in
Berlin, East and West?
In these four decades, as I have said, you Berliners have built a great city.
You've done so in spite of threats--the Soviet attempts to impose the East-mark, the
blockade. Today the city thrives in spite of the challenges implicit in the very
presence of this wall. What keeps you here? Certainly there's a great deal to be said
for your fortitude, for your defiant courage. But I believe there's something deeper,
something that involves Berlin's whole look and feel and way of life--not mere
sentiment. No one could live long in Berlin without being completely disabused of
illusions. Something instead, that has seen the difficulties of life in Berlin but chose
to accept them, that continues to build this good and proud city in contrast to a
surrounding totalitarian presence that refuses to release human energies or
aspirations. Something that speaks with a powerful voice of affirmation, that says
yes to this city, yes to the future, yes to freedom. In a word, I would submit that
what keeps you in Berlin is love--love both profound and abiding.
Perhaps this gets to the root of the matter, to the most fundamental
distinction of all between East and West. The totalitarian world produces
backwardness because it does such violence to the spirit, thwarting the human
impulse to create, to enjoy, to worship. The totalitarian world finds even symbols
of love and of worship an affront. Years ago, before the East Germans began
rebuilding their churches, they erected a secular structure: the television tower at
Alexander Platz. Virtually ever since, the authorities have been working to correct
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what they view as the tower's one major flaw, treating the glass sphere at the top
with paints and chemicals of every kind. Yet even today when the sun strikes that
sphere--that sphere that towers over all Berlin--the light makes the sign of the cross.
There in Berlin, like the city itself, symbols of love, symbols of worship, cannot be
suppressed.
As I looked out a moment ago from the Reichstag, that embodiment of
German unity, I noticed words crudely spray-painted upon the wall, perhaps by a
young Berliner: "This wall will fall. Beliefs become reality." Yes, across Europe,
this wall will fall. For it cannot withstand faith; it cannot withstand truth. The wall
cannot withstand freedom.
And I would like, before I close, to say one word. I have read, and I have
been questioned since I've been here about certain demonstrations against my
coming. And I would like to say just one thing, and to those who demonstrate so. I
wonder if they have ever asked themselves that if they should have the kind of
government they apparently seek, no one would ever be able to do what they're
doing again.
Thank you and God bless you all.